Sunday, October 14, 2012

"Voting Rights Act of 1965"

"Voting Rights Act of 1965"

 

AN ACT To enforce the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and for other purposes. 
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That this Act shall be known as the "Voting Rights Act of 1965."

SEC. 2. No voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure shall be imposed or applied by any State or political subdivision to deny or abridge the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color.

SEC. 3. (a) Whenever the Attorney General institutes a proceeding under any statute to enforce the guarantees of the fifteenth amendment in any State or political subdivision the court shall authorize the appointment of Federal examiners by the United States Civil Service Commission in accordance with section 6 to serve for such period of time and for such political subdivisions as the court shall determine is appropriate to enforce the guarantees of the fifteenth amendment (1) as part of any interlocutory order if the court determines that the appointment of such examiners is necessary to enforce such guarantees or (2) as part of any final judgment if the court finds that violations of the fifteenth amendment justifying equitable relief have occurred in such State or subdivision: Provided, That the court need not authorize the appointment of examiners if any incidents of denial or abridgement of the right to vote on account of race or color (1) have been few in number and have been promptly and effectively corrected by State or local action, (2) the continuing effect of such incidents has been eliminated, and (3) there is no reasonable probability of their recurrence in the future.

(b) If in a proceeding instituted by the Attorney General under any statute to enforce the guarantees of the fifteenth amendment in any State or political subdivision the court finds that a test or device has been used for the purpose or with the effect of denying or abridging the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color, it shall suspend the use of tests and devices in such State or political subdivisions as the court shall determine is appropriate and for such period as it deems necessary.

(c) If in any proceeding instituted by the Attorney General under any statute to enforce the guarantees of the fifteenth amendment in any State or political subdivision the court finds that violations of the fifteenth amendment justifying equitable relief have occurred within the territory of such State or political subdivision, the court, in addition to such relief as it may grant, shall retain jurisdiction for such period as it may deem appropriate and during such period no voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect at the time the proceeding was commenced shall be enforced unless and until the court finds that such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure does not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color: Provided, That such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure may be enforced if the qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure has been submitted by the chief legal officer or other appropriate official of such State or subdivision to the Attorney General and the Attorney General has not interposed an objection within sixty days after such submission, except that neither the court's finding nor the Attorney General's failure to object shall bar a subsequent action to enjoin enforcement of such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure.

SEC. 4. (a) To assure that the right of citizens of the United States to vote is not denied or abridged on account of race or color, no citizen shall be denied the right to vote in any Federal, State, or local election because of his failure to comply with any test or device in any State with respect to which the determinations have been made under subsection (b) or in any political subdivision with respect to which such determinations have been made as a separate unit, unless the United States District Court for the District of Columbia in an action for a declaratory judgment brought by such State or subdivision against the United States has determined that no such test or device has been used during the five years preceding the filing of the action for the purpose or with the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color: Provided, That no such declaratory judgment shall issue with respect to any plaintiff for a period of five years after the entry of a final judgment of any court of the United States, other than the denial of a declaratory judgment under this section, whether entered prior to or after the enactment of this Act, determining that denials or abridgments of the right to vote on account of race or color through the use of such tests or devices have occurred anywhere in the territory of such plaintiff. An action pursuant to this subsection shall be heard and determined by a court of three judges in accordance with the provisions of section 2284 of title 28 of the United States Code and any appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court. The court shall retain jurisdiction of any action pursuant to this subsection for five years after judgment and shall reopen the action upon motion of the Attorney General alleging that a test or device has been used for the purpose or with the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.

If the Attorney General determines that he has no reason to believe that any such test or device has been used during the five years preceding the filing of the action for the purpose or with the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color, he shall consent to the entry of such judgment

(b) The provisions of subsection (a) shall apply in any State or in any political subdivision of a state which (1) the Attorney General determines maintained on November 1, 1964, any test or device, and with respect to which (2) the Director of the Census determines that less than 50 percentum of the persons of voting age residing therein were registered on November 1, 1964, or that less than 50 percentum of such persons voted in the presidential election of November 1964.

A determination or certification of the Attorney General or of the Director of the Census under this section or under section 6 or section 13 shall not be reviewable in any court and shall be effective upon publication in the Federal Register.

(c) The phrase "test or device" shall mean any requirement that a person as a prerequisite for voting or registration for voting (1) demonstrate the ability to read, write, understand, or interpret any matter, (2) demonstrate any educational achievement or his knowledge of any particular subject, (3) possess good moral character, or (4) prove his qualifications by the voucher of registered voters or members of any other class.

(d) For purposes of this section no State or political subdivision shall be determined to have engaged in the use of tests or devices for the purpose or with the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color if (1) incidents of such use have been few in number and have been promptly and effectively corrected by State or local action, (2) the continuing effect of such incidents has been eliminated, and (3) there is no reasonable probability of their recurrence in the future.

(e)
(1) Congress hereby declares that to secure the rights under the fourteenth amendment of persons educated in American-flag schools in which the predominant classroom language was other than English, it is necessary to prohibit the States from conditioning the right to vote of such persons on ability to read, write, understand, or interpret any matter in the English language.
(2) No person who demonstrates that he has successfully completed the sixth primary grade in a public school in, or a private school accredited by, any State or territory, the District of Columbia, or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which the predominant classroom language was other than English, shall be denied the right to vote in any Federal, State, or local election because of his inability to read, write, understand, or interpret any matter in the English language, except that, in States in which State law provides that a different level of education is presumptive of literacy, he shall demonstrate that he has successfully completed an equivalent level of education in a public school in, or a private school accredited by, any State or territory, the District of Columbia, or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which the predominant classroom language was other than English.

SEC. 5. Whenever a State or political subdivision with respect to which the prohibitions set forth in section 4(a) are in effect shall enact or seek to administer any voting qualification or prerequisite to voting, or standard, practice, or procedure with respect to voting different from that in force or effect on November 1, 1964, such State or subdivision may institute an action in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia for a declaratory judgment that such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure does not have the purpose and will not have the effect of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color, and unless and until the court enters such judgment no person shall be denied the right to vote for failure to comply with such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure: Provided, That such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure may be enforced without such proceeding if the qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure has been submitted by the chief legal officer or other appropriate official of such State or subdivision to the Attorney General and the Attorney General has not interposed an objection within sixty days after such submission, except that neither the Attorney General's failure to object nor a declaratory judgment entered under this section shall bar a subsequent action to enjoin enforcement of such qualification, prerequisite, standard, practice, or procedure. Any action under this section shall be heard and determined by a court of three judges in accordance with the provisions of section 2284 of title 28 of the United States Code and any appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court.

SEC. 6. Whenever (a) a court has authorized the appointment of examiners pursuant to the provisions of section 3(a), or (b) unless a declaratory judgment has been rendered under section 4(a), the Attorney General certifies with respect to any political subdivision named in, or included within the scope of, determinations made under section 4(b) that (1) he has received complaints in writing from twenty or more residents of such political subdivision alleging that they have been denied the right to vote under color of law on account of race or color, and that he believes such complaints to be meritorious, or (2) that, in his judgment (considering, among other factors, whether the ratio of nonwhite persons to white persons registered to vote within such subdivision appears to him to be reasonably attributable to violations of the fifteenth amendment or whether substantial evidence exists that bona fide efforts are being made within such subdivision to comply with the fifteenth amendment), the appointment of examiners is otherwise necessary to enforce the guarantees of the fifteenth amendment, the Civil Service Commission shall appoint as many examiners for such subdivision as it may deem appropriate to prepare and maintain lists of persons eligible to vote in Federal, State, and local elections. Such examiners, hearing officers provided for in section 9(a), and other persons deemed necessary by the Commission to carry out the provisions and purposes of this Act shall be appointed, compensated, and separated without regard to the provisions of any statute administered by the Civil Service Commission, and service under this Act shall not be considered employment for the purposes of any statute administered by the Civil Service Commission, except the provisions of section 9 of the Act of August 2, 1939, as amended (5 U.S.C. 118i), prohibiting partisan political activity: Provided, That the Commission is authorized, after consulting the head of the appropriate department or agency, to designate suitable persons in the official service of the United States, with their consent, to serve in these positions. Examiners and hearing officers shall have the power to administer oaths.

SEC. 7. (a) The examiners for each political subdivision shall, at such places as the Civil Service Commission shall by regulation designate, examine applicants concerning their qualifications for voting. An application to an examiner shall be in such form as the Commission may require and shall contain allegations that the applicant is not otherwise registered to vote.

(b) Any person whom the examiner finds, in accordance with instructions received under section 9(b), to have the qualifications prescribed by State law not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of the United States shall promptly be placed on a list of eligible voters. A challenge to such listing may be made in accordance with section 9(a) and shall not be the basis for a prosecution under section 12 of this Act. The examiner shall certify and transmit such list, and any supplements as appropriate, at least once a month, to the offices of the appropriate election officials, with copies to the Attorney General and the attorney general of the State, and any such lists and supplements thereto transmitted during the month shall be available for public inspection on the last business day of the month and, in any event, not later than the forty-fifth day prior to any election. The appropriate State or local election official shall place such names on the official voting list. Any person whose name appears on the examiner's list shall be entitled and allowed to vote in the election district of his residence unless and until the appropriate election officials shall have been notified that such person has been removed from such list in accordance with subsection (d): Provided, That no person shall be entitled to vote in any election by virtue of this Act unless his name shall have been certified and transmitted on such a list to the offices of the appropriate election officials at least forty-five days prior to such election.

(c) The examiner shall issue to each person whose name appears on such a list a certificate evidencing his eligibility to vote.

(d) A person whose name appears on such a list shall be removed therefrom by an examiner if (1) such person has been successfully challenged in accordance with the procedure prescribed in section 9, or (2) he has been determined by an examiner to have lost his eligibility to vote under State law not inconsistent with the Constitution and the laws of the United States.

Sec. 8. Whenever an examiner is serving under this Act in any political subdivision, the Civil Service Commission may assign, at the request of the Attorney General, one or more persons, who may be officers of the United States, (1) to enter and attend at any place for holding an election in such subdivision for the purpose of observing whether persons who are entitled to vote are being permitted to vote, and (2) to enter and attend at any place for tabulating the votes cast at any election held in such subdivision for the purpose of observing whether votes cast by persons entitled to vote are being properly tabulated. Such persons so assigned shall report to an examiner appointed for such political subdivision, to the Attorney General, and if the appointment of examiners has been authorized pursuant to section 3(a), to the court. SEC. 9.

(a) Any challenge to a listing on an eligibility list prepared by an examiner shall be heard and determined by a hearing officer appointed by and responsible to the Civil Service Commission and under such rules as the Commission shall by regulation prescribe. Such challenge shall be entertained only if filed at such office within the State as the Civil Service Commission shall by regulation designate, and within ten days after the listing of the challenged person is made available for public inspection, and if supported by (1) the affidavits of at least two persons having personal knowledge of the facts constituting grounds for the challenge, and (2) a certification that a copy of the challenge and affidavits have been served by mail or in person upon the person challenged at his place of residence set out in the application. Such challenge shall be determined within fifteen days after it has been filed. A petition for review of the decision of the hearing officer may be filed in the United States court of appeals for the circuit in which the person challenged resides within fifteen days after service of such decision by mail on the person petitioning for review but no decision of a hearing officer shall be reversed unless clearly erroneous. Any person listed shall be entitled and allowed to vote pending final determination by the hearing officer and by the court.

(b) The times, places, procedures, and form for application and listing pursuant to this Act and removals from the eligibility lists shall be prescribed by regulations promulgated by the Civil Service Commission and the Commission shall, after consultation with the Attorney General, instruct examiners concerning applicable State law not inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of the United States with respect to (1) the qualifications required for listing, and (2) loss of eligibility to vote.

(c) Upon the request of the applicant or the challenger or on its own motion the Civil Service Commission shall have the power to require by subpoena the attendance and testimony of witnesses and the production of documentary evidence relating to any matter pending before it under the authority of this section. In case of contumacy or refusal to obey a subpoena, any district court of the United States or the United States court of any territory or possession, or the District Court of the United States for the District of Columbia, within the jurisdiction of which said person guilty of contumacy or refusal to obey is found or resides or is domiciled or transacts business, or has appointed an agent for receipt of service of process, upon application by the Attorney General of the United States shall have jurisdiction to issue to such person an order requiring such person to appear before the Commission or a hearing officer, there to produce pertinent, relevant, and nonprivileged documentary evidence if so ordered, or there to give testimony touching the matter under investigation, and any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by said court as a contempt thereof.

SEC. 10. (a) The Congress finds that the requirement of the payment of a poll tax as a precondition to voting (i) precludes persons of limited means from voting or imposes unreasonable financial hardship upon such persons as a precondition to their exercise of the franchise, (ii) does not bear a reasonable relationship to any legitimate State interest in the conduct of elections, and (iii) in some areas has the purpose or effect of denying persons the right to vote because of race or color. Upon the basis of these findings, Congress declares that the constitutional right of citizens to vote is denied or abridged in some areas by the requirement of the payment of a poll tax as a precondition to voting.

(b) In the exercise of the powers of Congress under section 5 of the fourteenth amendment and section 2 of the fifteenth amendment, the Attorney General is authorized and directed to institute forthwith in the name of the United States such actions, including actions against States or political subdivisions, for declaratory judgment or injunctive relief against the enforcement of any requirement of the payment of a poll tax as a precondition to voting, or substitute therefor enacted after November 1, 1964, as will be necessary to implement the declaration of subsection (a) and the purposes of this section.

(c) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of such actions which shall be heard and determined by a court of three judges in accordance with the provisions of section 2284 of title 28 of the United States Code and any appeal shall lie to the Supreme Court. It shall be the duty of the judges designated to hear the case to assign the case for hearing at the earliest practicable date, to participate in the hearing and determination thereof, and to cause the case to be in every way expedited.

(d) During the pendency of such actions, and thereafter if the courts, notwithstanding this action by the Congress, should declare the requirement of the payment of a poll tax to be constitutional, no citizen of the United States who is a resident of a State or political subdivision with respect to which determinations have been made under subsection 4(b) and a declaratory judgment has not been entered under subsection 4(a), during the first year he becomes otherwise entitled to vote by reason of registration by State or local officials or listing by an examiner, shall be denied the right to vote for failure to pay a poll tax if he tenders payment of such tax for the current year to an examiner or to the appropriate State or local official at least forty-five days prior to election, whether or not such tender would be timely or adequate under State law. An examiner shall have authority to accept such payment from any person authorized by this Act to make an application for listing, and shall issue a receipt for such payment. The examiner shall transmit promptly any such poll tax payment to the office of the State or local official authorized to receive such payment under State law, together with the name and address of the applicant.

SEC. 11. (a) No person acting under color of law shall fail or refuse to permit any person to vote who is entitled to vote under any provision of this Act or is otherwise qualified to vote, or willfully fail or refuse to tabulate, count, and report such person's vote.

(b) No person, whether acting under color of law or otherwise, shall intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any person for voting or attempting to vote, or intimidate, threaten, or coerce, or attempt to intimidate, threaten, or coerce any person for urging or aiding any person to vote or attempt to vote, or intimidate, threaten, or coerce any person for exercising any powers or duties under section 3(a), 6, 8, 9, 10, or 12(e).

(c) Whoever knowingly or willfully gives false information as to his name, address, or period of residence in the voting district for the purpose of establishing his eligibility to register or vote, or conspires with another individual for the purpose of encouraging his false registration to vote or illegal voting, or pays or offers to pay or accepts payment either for registration to vote or for voting shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both: Provided, however, That this provision shall be applicable only to general, special, or primary elections held solely or in part for the purpose of selecting or electing any candidate for the office of President, Vice President, presidential elector, Member of the United States Senate, Member of the United States House of Representatives, or Delegates or Commissioners from the territories or possessions, or Resident Commissioner of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.

(d) Whoever, in any matter within the jurisdiction of an examiner or hearing officer knowingly and willfully falsifies or conceals a material fact, or makes any false, fictitious, or fraudulent statements or representations, or makes or uses any false writing or document knowing the same to contain any false, fictitious, or fraudulent statement or entry, shall be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.

SEC. 12. (a) Whoever shall deprive or attempt to deprive any person of any right secured by section 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, or 10 or shall violate section 11(a) or (b), shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.

(b) Whoever, within a year following an election in a political subdivision in which an examiner has been appointed (1) destroys, defaces, mutilates, or otherwise alters the marking of a paper ballot which has been cast in such election, or (2) alters any official record of voting in such election tabulated from a voting machine or otherwise, shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both

(c) Whoever conspires to violate the provisions of subsection (a) or (b) of this section, or interferes with any right secured by section 2, 3 4, 5, 7, 10, or 11(a) or (b) shall be fined not more than $5,000, or imprisoned not more than five years, or both.

(d) Whenever any person has engaged or there are reasonable grounds to believe that any person is about to engage in any act or practice prohibited by section 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 10, 11, or subsection (b) of this section, the Attorney General may institute for the United States, or in the name of the United States, an action for preventive relief, including an application for a temporary or permanent injunction, restraining order, or other order, and including an order directed to the State and State or local election officials to require them (1) to permit persons listed under this Act to vote and (2) to count such votes.

(e) Whenever in any political subdivision in which there are examiners appointed pursuant to this Act any persons allege to such an examiner within forty-eight hours after the closing of the polls that notwithstanding (1) their listing under this Act or registration by an appropriate election official and (2) their eligibility to vote, they have not been permitted to vote in such election, the examiner shall forthwith notify the Attorney General if such allegations in his opinion appear to be well founded. Upon receipt of such notification, the Attorney General may forthwith file with the district court an application for an order providing for the marking, casting, and counting of the ballots of such persons and requiring the inclusion of their votes in the total vote before the results of such election shall be deemed final and any force or effect given thereto. The district court shall hear and determine such matters immediately after the filing of such application. The remedy provided in this subsection shall not preclude any remedy available under State or Federal law.

(f) The district courts of the United States shall have jurisdiction of proceedings instituted pursuant to this section and shall exercise the same without regard to whether a person asserting rights under the provisions of this Act shall have exhausted any administrative or other remedies that may be provided by law

SEC. 13. Listing procedures shall be terminated in any political subdivision of any State (a) with respect to examiners appointed pursuant to clause (b) of section 6 whenever the Attorney General notifies the Civil Service Commission, or whenever the District Court for the District of Columbia determines in an action for declaratory judgment brought by any political subdivision with respect to which the Director of the Census has determined that more than 50 percentum of the nonwhite persons of voting age residing therein are registered to vote, (1) that all persons listed by an examiner for such subdivision have been placed on the appropriate voting registration roll, and (2) that there is no longer reasonable cause to believe that persons will be deprived of or denied the right to vote on account of race or color in such subdivision, and (b), with respect to examiners appointed pursuant to section 3(a), upon order of the authorizing court. A political subdivision may petition the Attorney General for the termination of listing procedures under clause (a) of this section, and may petition the Attorney General to request the Director of the Census to take such survey or census as may be appropriate for the making of the determination provided for in this section. The District Court for the District of Columbia shall have jurisdiction to require such survey or census to be made by the Director of the Census and it shall require him to do so if it deems the Attorney General's refusal to request such survey or census to be arbitrary or unreasonable. SEC. 14.

(a) All cases of criminal contempt arising under the provisions of this Act shall be governed by section 151 of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (42 U.S.C.1995).

(b) No court other than the District Court for the District of Columbia or a court of appeals in any proceeding under section 9 shall have jurisdiction to issue any declaratory judgment pursuant to section 4 or section 5 or any restraining order or temporary or permanent injunction against the execution or enforcement of any provision of this Act or any action of any Federal officer or employee pursuant hereto.

(c)
(1) The terms "vote" or "voting" shall include all action necessary to make a vote effective in any primary, special, or general election, including, but not limited to, registration, listing pursuant to this Act, or other action required by law prerequisite to voting, casting a ballot, and having such ballot counted properly and included in the appropriate totals of votes cast with respect to candidates for public or party office and propositions for which votes are received in an election.
(2) The term "political subdivision" shall mean any county or parish, except that, where registration for voting is not conducted under the supervision of a county or parish, the term shall include any other subdivision of a State which conducts registration for voting.

(d) In any action for a declaratory judgment brought pursuant to section 4 or section 5 of this Act, subpoenas for witnesses who are required to attend the District Court for the District of Columbia may be served in any judicial district of the United States: Provided, That no writ of subpoena shall issue for witnesses without the District of Columbia at a greater distance than one hundred miles from the place of holding court without the permission of the District Court for the District of Columbia being first had upon proper application and cause shown.

SEC. 15. Section 2004 of the Revised Statutes (42 U.S.C.1971), as amended by section 131 of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 (71 Stat. 637), and amended by section 601 of the Civil Rights Act of 1960 (74 Stat. 90), and as further amended by section 101 of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (78 Stat. 241), is further amended as follows:

(a) Delete the word "Federal" wherever it appears in subsections (a) and (c);

(b) Repeal subsection (f) and designate the present subsections (g) and (h) as (f) and (g), respectively.

SEC. 16. The Attorney General and the Secretary of Defense, jointly, shall make a full and complete study to determine whether, under the laws or practices of any State or States, there are preconditions to voting, which might tend to result in discrimination against citizens serving in the Armed Forces of the United States seeking to vote. Such officials shall, jointly, make a report to the Congress not later than June 30, 1966, containing the results of such study, together with a list of any States in which such preconditions exist, and shall include in such report such recommendations for legislation as they deem advisable to prevent discrimination in voting against citizens serving in the Armed Forces of the United States.

SEC. 17. Nothing in this Act shall be construed to deny, impair, or otherwise adversely affect the right to vote of any person registered to vote under the law of any State or political subdivision.

SEC. 18. There are hereby authorized to be appropriated such sums as are necessary to carry out the provisions of this Act

SEC 19. If any provision of this Act or the application thereof to any person or circumstances is held invalid, the remainder of the Act and the application of the provision to other persons not similarly situated or to other circumstances shall not be affected thereby.

Approved August 6, 1965

Saturday, October 6, 2012

Our 1st real snow accumulations- October 5th and 6th, 2012

October 5th and 6th, 2012
 
Some Pics for you of our 1st real accumulated snow & other needful things.
 
Last night when the snow was snowing like snowing snow usually does- October 5th Evening, around 9pm, 2012!
 
This was early this morning around 7:30am, before the sun rose upon us. It was just starting to peer over the hills to the east.
 
Looking to the north-northeast. That field about 1/3 from the right in the middle is where the YMCA is, and the long building on the hill/top in the sun is the Jr. High School, formerly our High School until they built the new HS over a decade ago.
 
 
Buddy checking out the snow, wishing he could be making lil' Kitty Snow Angels.
 
Buddy practicing making "Kitty Snow Angels" for whenever he gets to, and wants to, using his harness which he hates, to go outside.
 
"Washing one's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral." -Paolo Friere-

Friday, October 5, 2012

Coal Workers Say Murray Energy ‘Coerces’ Them To Make GOP Donations: ‘If You Don’t Contribute, Your Job’s At Stake’!

Coal Workers Say Murray Energy 'Coerces' Them To Make GOP Donations: 'If You Don't Contribute, Your Job's At Stake'

"You've got a great boss," Mitt Romney proclaimed to a crowd of coal miners at a campaign rally in August.

He was referring to Robert Murray, the CEO of Murray Energy, one of the largest coal mining operators in the country.

For Romney, that statement was particularly true. According to accounts from multiple coal miners, employees were forced to attend the event without pay. "Just for the record, if we did not go, we knew what would happen," said one miner in a letter to a local radio station. Weeks later, Romney's campaign featured images of the coal miners in a pro-coal ad. (The Obama campaign hit back this week with an ad claiming Romney used coal workers as "props").

But that was just the tip of the iceberg. An expose from New Republic Senior Editor Alec MacGillis shows that Murray Energy is doing far more than requiring employees to spend uncompensated time at campaign events — the company is actually requiring them to donate to GOP candidates like Romney:

The accounts of two sources who have worked in managerial positions at the firm, and a review of letters and memos to Murray employees, suggest that coercion may also explain Murray staffers' financial support for Romney. Murray, it turns out, has for years pressured salaried employees to give to the Murray Energy political action committee (PAC) and to Republican candidates chosen by the company. Internal documents show that company officials track who is and is not giving. The sources say that those who do not give are at risk of being demoted or missing out on bonuses, claims Murray denies.

The Murray sources, who requested anonymity for fear of retribution, came forward separately. But they painted similar pictures of the fund-raising operation. "There's a lot of coercion," says one of them. "I just wanted to work, but you feel this constant pressure that, if you don't contribute, your job's at stake. You're compelled to do this whether you want to or not." Says the second: "They will give you a call if you're not giving. . . . It's expected you give Mr. Murray what he asks for."

This spring, Murray organized a fundraiser for Mitt Romney, eventually bundling more than a million and half dollars for the candidate. According to the New Republic, employees of Murray Energy have donated more than $1.4 million to Republican candidates — with $120,000 raised for Romney this campaign season alone.

While employees say Murray does not explicitly force them to make donations, he makes it very clear what could happen if they don't contribute some of their salary to Republicans. "We have been insulted by every salaried employee who does not support our efforts," he wrote in one 2012 letter obtained by the New Republic.

And in a 2011 letter to company managers, Murray alluded to potential consequences if employees did not donate: "Please see that our salaried employees 'step up,' for their own sakes and those of their employees."


Other national candidates supported by the "coerced" donations of coal workers include House Speaker John Boehner, Scott Brown, Rand Paul, David Vitter, and Congress' most aggressive climate denier, Jim Inhofe. "Hopefully you will support every one of these friends of coal," wrote Murray to his employees.

Murray, who is a fierce defender of the coal industry, is also a fierce climate denier. He has called climate change a "theory" and has blamed climate scientists for supposedly "perpetuating fraud."

As governor of Massachusetts, Mitt Romney once proclaimed that coal plants "kill people" and established a "no regrets" plan to combat global warming. Today, with massive financial backing from the fossil fuel industry, Romney says that "we don't know" what's causing global warming. And in the presidential debate this week, he proclaimed "I like coal."

Now we know why.

 
Best wishes always,
Bill Harasym

"Washing one's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless
means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral." -Paolo Friere-

Monday, October 1, 2012

Mitt Romney Supports Torture!

"New Romney Memo on torture"-

 

Interrogation Techniques Description: The Obama Administration limits interrogation techniques to those found in the Army Field Manual.

Gov. Romney. however supports the use of enhanced interrogation techniques when needed to protect U.S. citizens.

 


 

The policy paper will:

• Describe whether and how the Obama Administration's policy on interrogation is hampering the GWOT;

• Present options and recommendations for interrogation policy and protocols for use in GWOT cases.

 

I. Background-

 

Beginning in approximately March 2002, the Bush Administration established a program,operated by the Central Intelligence Agency, to interrogate outside the United States a small number of detained terrorist leaders and operatives. The program was limited to members or supporters of a! Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated terrorist organizations who were likely to possess information that could prevent terrorist attacks against the United States or that could help locate the senior leadership of al Qaeda. Of the thousands of unlawful combatants captured by the United States, fewer than 100 were detained and questioned in the CIA program. And of this number, fewer than a third were the subject of enhanced interrogation techniques.The extent to which the enhanced interrogation techniques were valuable in generating intelligence has, of course, been hotly debated. It is difficult to settle the question definitively,especially because much of the relevant material remains classified. However, as discussed in more detail below, a number of first-hand and second-hand assessments in the public record conclude that the enhanced interrogation techniques were indeed quite valuable in generating intelligence.

 

Much of the legal framework now governing interrogation of terrorist detainees was established during President Bush's second term. In 2005, Congress passed the Detainee Treatment Act. This law required the Defense Department to interrogate detainees in accordance with the Army Field Manual. It also prohibited government agencies, including the CIA, from subjecting detainees to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment" prohibited by the Fifth, Eighth, and Fourteenth Amendments.

 

In June 2006. the Supreme Court held in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld that Common Article 3 of the Geneva Convention was applicable to the conflict with Al Qaeda. Common Article 3 prohibits detainees from being subjected to violence, outrages upon personal dignity, torture, and cruel or degrading punishment. At the time, the War Crimes Act made any violation of Common Article-3 a crime. Thus, Hamdan opened the possibility that U.S. personnel could face criminal liability for earlier interrogations of al Qaeda.

 

On September 6, 2006. the Army released an updated version of the Field Manual that implemented the Detainee Treatment Act. The Manual authorized 19 interrogation techniques and expressly banned eight others, including waterboarding and depriving detainees of necessary food, water, or medical care.

 

The next month, Congress passed the Military Commissions Act of 2006. This law amended the War Crimes Act provisions concerning Common Article 3 so that only specified violations are criminal (as opposed to any Common Article 3 violation, as had previously been the case).The new law did not criminalize all conduct that violated the standards of the Detainee Treatment Act — that is, cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment of the kind that violates the Fifth.Eighth, and Fourteenth Amendments. However, the Act authorized the President, acting pursuant to an Executive Order, to interpret the meaning and application of Common Article 3 to promulgate higher standards and administrative regulations for violations of Geneva Convention obligations, except as they involve "grave breaches" of the Conventions.

 

On July 20, 2007, President Bush issued such an Executive Order authorizing the CIA to use six enhanced interrogation techniques against members or supporters of al Qaeda or the Taliban who likely possess information that could assist in detecting or deterring a terrorist attack against the United States or locate senior leadership of those groups. {1}

 

On the same day, the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel issued a lengthy opinion concluding that these six techniques, when used against high-value detainees belonging to Al Qaeda and affiliated groups under specified conditions and safeguards, was consistent with all applicable laws.

 

On January 22, 2009, on his second full day in office, President Obama issued a new Executive Order concerning detainee interrogation. This Executive Order rescinded the Bush Executive Order, banned enhanced interrogation techniques across the U.S. government, and generally provided that the methods listed in the Army Field Manual were the only ones authorized for interrogation of anyone in U.S. custody while in an armed conflict.

 

In April 2009, President Obama declassified and released to the public several legal Bush-era opinions from the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) that described the enhanced interrogation techniques in detail and analyzed their legality.

 

{1}-The list of authorized techniques, which has since been declassified, included the following:

 

(1) Dietary manipulation.

(2) Extended sleep deprivation for up to 96 hours and no more than 180 hours over a 30-day period(including through use of physical restraints to prevent the detainee from falling asleep).

(3) Use of a "facial hold" to briefly keep the detainee's head immobile.

(4) An attention grasp," in which an individual would be grabbed on each side of a collar opening for a few seconds.

(5) Abdominal slaps: and

(6) Insult or facial slaps.

 

Later in 2009, the Obama Administration created a special interrogation group to coordinate interrogation of high-level terrorist suspects. The mission of this High-Value Detainee Interrogation Group (HIG) was to coordinate the deployment of mobile teams of experienced interrogators. analysts, subject matter experts and linguists to conduct interrogation of high-value terrorists.

 

II. Impact of the Obama Administration's Terrorism Policy on the GWOT-

 

It is difficult to point to concrete ways in which the Obama Administration's renunciation of enhanced interrogation techniques has undermined America's efforts in the fight against terrorism. First, at this point, we do not know whether the Obama Administration has taken into custody any terrorists who would have been candidates for enhanced interrogation techniques under President Bush's 2007 Executive Order, Second, even if the Administration has apprehended any such individuals, it is difficult to argue conclusively that enhanced interrogation techniques would have generated more information than the techniques in the Army Field Manual; we don't know what we don't know.

 

That said, there are a number of reasons to believe that the Obama Administration's interrogation policies have hampered (or will hamper) the fight against terrorism.

 

First, at the highest level of generality, President Obama's Executive Order has tied America's hands with respect to detainee interrogation. As Director Hayden has described it,there is a universe of lawful interrogation techniques that we should feel, as a nation, that we have a right to use against our enemies. The Army Field Manual describes only a subset of that universe, and few people claim that this subset constitutes all the tools that could or should be legitimately available to defend the country. Put another way, President Obama has wide discretion in the types of techniques his Administration may use to interrogate America's enemies; by restricting his Administration to the Army Field Manual, the President has affirmatively chosen not to exercise the full range of his discretion.

 

Second, in addition to being incomplete as a catalogue of lawful interrogation techniques, the Army Field Manual is ill-suited to serve as a one-size-fits-all approach to detainee interrogation by U.S. agencies. The Army Field Manual was written for a specific population operating in a specific context: (1) millions of (2) relatively young men and women in the military (3) who have not received exhaustive training in this area. and who will be interrogating (4) large numbers of (5) primarily lawful enemy combatants (6) whose intelligence is primarily of transient and tactical value.

 

By contrast, the Bush-era CIA program of which enhanced interrogation techniques were a part involved (1) a small population of(2) older men and women affiliated with the CIA (3) who have received extensive training, and who were interrogating (4) a very small handful of (5) unlawful combatants (6) who likely possess intelligence about future terrorist attacks against the United States. The Army Field Manual may well be adequate for the population and purposes for which it was written; there is good reason to doubt that it is adequate for all populations and all purposes.

 

Third, the Army Field Manual is publicly available on the Internet. The CIA has stated that it believes many al Qaeda operatives receive training in the resistance of interrogation methods and that al Qaeda actively seeks information regarding U.S. interrogation methods in order to enhance that training. By committing the United States to using only techniques that are a mouse click away, the Obama Administration has made it that much more difficult for interrogators to do their jobs effectively'.

 

Fourth, there is ample evidence in the public record that enhanced interrogation techniques did indeed generate significant intelligence during the Bush years. A sampling of this evidence includes:

 

• The use of enhanced interrogation techniques on Khalid Sheikh Muhammad ("KSM") led to the discovery of a plot, the "Second Wave," to use East Asian operatives to crash a hijacked airliner into the Library Tower in Los Angeles. Information from KSM led to the capture of many of the operatives planning the attack.

 

• The use of enhanced interrogation techniques on Abu Zubaydah furnished detailed information regarding a! Qaeda's organizational structure, key operatives, and modus operandi, and identified KSM as the mastermind of the September 11 attacks.Information from Zubaydah also helped in the planning and execution of the operation in which KSM was captured.

 

• Former CIA Director George Tenet, who served under Presidents Clinton and Bush,stated in a television interview in April 2007: "I know that this program has saved lives. I know we've disrupted plots. I know this program alone is worth more than the FBI, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Agency put together have been able to tell us."

 

• Former CIA Director Hayden has stated that as late as 2006, fully half of the government's knowledge about the structure and activities of al Qaeda came from those interrogations.

 

• On April 16, 2009, President Obama's own Director of National Intelligence. Dennis Blair, wrote: "High value information came from interrogations in which those methods were used and provided a deeper understanding of the al-Qaeda organization that was attacking this country."{2}

 

• In May 2011, Obama' s CIA Director, Leon Panetta, confirmed that waterboarding and other enhanced interrogation techniques helped extract "useful information" that, along with other sources, led to the discovery of the compound in Pakistan where Osama bin Laden was hiding.

 

{2} Five days later, once this memo became public, DNI Blair issued a clarifying statement, He continued to acknowledge that "[t]he information gained from these techniques was valuable in some instances." However, he added that there was no way of knowing whether that information could have been obtained through other means:that the techniques were not needed to keep America safe: and that the damage they have caused far outweighed the benefits gained.

 

By renouncing enhanced interrogation techniques, the Obama Administration has, at a minimum,put at risk our ability to generate analogous intelligence from detainees captured today.

 

Fifth, the Obama Administration permanently damaged the potential effectiveness of the Bush-era enhanced interrogation techniques by declassifying the OLC memos and releasing them to the public.

 

III- Options and recommendations for interrogation policy and protocols for use in GWOT cases-

 

Governor Romney has consistently supported enhanced interrogation techniques. Governor Romney is also on record as stating that he does not believe it is wise for him, as a presidential candidate, to describe precisely which techniques he would use in interrogating detainees. The combination of these two positions, as well as the information presented above, leads to two principal options in this area for his campaign.

 

The first option is that Governor Romney could pledge that upon taking office, he will rescind and replace President Obama' s Executive Order restricting government interrogators to
the Army Field Manual. Consistent with the authority reserved for the President under the Military Commissions Act, he could commit his Administration to authorizing (classified)
enhanced interrogation techniques against high-value detainees that are safe, legal, and effective in generating intelligence to save American lives. But because President Obama's release of the OLC memos has reduced the number of available techniques that meet these criteria, Governor Romney should not commit in advance to a timetable for implementing this plan; it may well take time to identify potential techniques and analyze their effectiveness and legality.

 

The second, more cautious option is for Governor Romney to pledge only that upon taking office, he will conduct a comprehensive review of interrogation policy under Presidents Bush and Obama. He could promise that if this process leads to the identification of techniques that would constitute a viable and legal enhanced interrogation program, he will rescind the Obama Executive Order and approve such a program. The advantage of this option is that it presents the Governor as open-minded and empirically driven. The disadvantage is that it may show insufficient zeal for doing whatever it takes to protect America.

 

The Subcommittee recommends the first option. Governor Romney has recognized for years that the sounder policy outcome is the revival of the enhanced interrogation program. And a reluctance by the Governor to expressly endorse such an outcome during the campaign could become a self-fulfilling prophecy once he takes office by signaling to the bureaucracy that this is not a deeply-felt priority.

 

That's the Romney Torture Memo---take it for what's it's worth!

 

 

"Washing one's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral." -Paolo Friere-